Betrayal of the Saponi, need original sources

Hi Linda,

Some of these may be in Spotswood’s Letters. I have access to it online and I am pretty sure that I have it bookmarked. I will look tomorrow and see what I can find. If I remember right, there was one particular letter where an anonymous person filed multiple (10 to 15) complaints against Spotswood.

Stacey

Linda,

Spotswood’s letters didn’t have exactly what I thought they had. It didn’t have the complaint in its entirety, but Spotswood did list out the query and then his answer to it. I am listing all 15 of the complaints against him and the answers that I thought applied to what you were asking. If you want any of the answers that I didn’t include, just let me know.

Spotswood, Alexander. The Official Letters of Alexander Spotswood, Lieutenant-Governor of the Colony of Virginia, 1710 – 1722; Volumes 1 & 2. Ed. R.A. Brock. Richmond: Virginia Historical Society. 1882. 368pgs.

pages 187 – 188

Jan’ry ye 16th, 1716 [1717].

To Mr. Popple.

S’R:

The Letter you did me the favour to write of the 1st of May last, wherein, by Order of the Lords Com’rs of Trade, you inclos’d The Copys of the Queryes and other anonymous Papers handed to their Lord’ps’ Board, came but lately to my hands, and now I lay hold of this first opportunity of returning my Answer, which I here enclose, Requesting you to preserve the same and to move their Lord’ps to a speedy Consideration thereof, that I may not ly under the imputation of Guilt through the malicious and false Suggestions of Secret Enemys. I have suffered too much already in my private concerns by the Secret Attacks on my Reputation from the same hands that are now endeavoring to blast my publick Administration. Those very persons continually handed in the same dark manner to my friends in England, and particularly to my brother, such malicious Storys of my private behaviour as determined him to alter the intentions he had always declared of continuing unmarried and leaving me his whole estate at his Death, So that my such means I have lost above £20,000 by coming into this Country, and now, with the same unparrallell’d Wickedness, are they endeavouring to deprive me of the good opinion of those who have the inspection of my Actions in my publick Capacity. It cannot, therefore, But concern me very nearly, after having been tradue’d in so base and clandestine a manner, to have the Suggestions of my adversary exam’d, whereby I may be Justified from these groundless aspersions. I hope it will be thought I have endeavour’d to answer those Querys with as much calmness and temper as could be expected where my hon’r is so sensiby touch’d, and a charge exhibited against me so void of truth. I understand Mr. Byrd is pressing very hard to obtain of their Lord’ps a determination of the Charge I exhibited against Collo. Ludwell, but As Mr. Ludwell’s Answer has been kept so much a Secret here that I cannot learn from any person what it contains, I am apt to think there may be in it some further addition of secret Calumnys, which occasions It being so closely concealed here and so warmly press’d to be determined there, without giving me the Liberty of a Reply, whereby I may be enabled to justify my conduct in the suspension of that Officer, as I am very confident I can do by the most convincing proofs of every Article with which I have charg’d him; And, therefore, I hope from their Lord’ps’ Justice of making a Reply before any final Resolution be taken thereon, w’ch their Lord’ps will surely judge the more necessary, if there be any Recriminations contained therein. I shall, in a short time, transmit by Observations on the Papers their Lord’ps were pleas’d to send me relating to the Virginia Indiana Company, together with the Councill Journalls and other publick Transactions of the Government which the sudden departure of this small Ship would not allow me to Dispatch.

P. S. – Since the arrival of some of the London Ships, I am informed some people are very industrious there to spread Reports as if there were great dissatisfaction between me and the people of this Country. Lest this should be insinuated to their Lord’ps’ Board, I take the Liberty to enclose the Copy of an Address from an considerable a Grand Jury as I have known in this Country, which was presented publickly to me no longer agoe than last October Generall Court, which I hope will be a better testimony that the Generality of the Country are not dissatisfyed with my Administration, that the Secret Representations of Anonymous Authors, or even open ones of any single person or family, who are afraid of my having an opportunity to vindicate myself as knowing that their Accusations will not bear the Test of a fair Examination.

pages 190 – 218

Virginia, Feb’ry 7th, 1715 [1716].

To ye L’ds Comm’rs of Trade and Plantations:

My L’DS:

The enclosed, some Querys by way Complaint against Alex’r Spotswood, Esq’r, his Majesty’s Lieut.-Governor of Virginia, all which will be proved by a Cloud of Evidences when your Lordships will be pleased to give your Protection to the Complainants from the Arbitrary and high flying principle, (which is so violent that Sac-II,(56) Wotton,(57) & c., are not greater nor more mischievous than he would be,) till then the Complainants are obliged to conceal their names, and only can subscribe themselves,

Your Lordships’

most humble and obed’t Serv’ts.

A.N.

To begin with the letter [of] A.N. that users in fifteen Queries which the Anonymous Author says will be proved by a Cloud of Evidences. I cannot entertain that diffidence of my Judges as to apprehend such Assertions delivered in this unfair and clandestine manner these are, will have any Weight towards laying me under the imputations of guilt or losing my character at your Lord’ps Board, untill the Author will appear with his Evidence, from behind those Clouds, to prove the matters of Fact alledged in his Charge, to explain the Sence and Meaning of some of his queries, and to make out how they touch me, and also I hope that ere faith be given to the many severe suggestions of my evil intentions, it will be expected this concealed enemy of mine will stand forth and show that he is neither a Person who has already been under the lash of just Government for his misdeeds, nor one who finds himself under a charge lately exhibited by me for the mismanagement of the King’s Revenue.

I expected, from the said Introductory Letter, that on Party Principle would have been laid the main stress of my accusations; but since my Accuser has not, throughout all his 15 Articles, touch’d upon that head, I hope it will be observed that he manifestly gives up that point and plainly confesses he finds no matter of that sort to work up a Charge against me.

I need not, therefore, dwell long upon the Slander and Reflections in the Letter, but proceeds to the Queries.

1st Query:

Whether the Gov’r, directing and forcing the Officers of the Customs to demand, Extort and take from the Masters or Commanders of any Ship or Vessell any fees or pretended dues not warranted by some Law, he, as well as the Officer, is not Arbitrary and Guilty of Extortion?

Answer to the first Query:

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2d Query:

Whether the Gov’r, putting Foreign’rs into the Courts of Judicature in this Colony, contrary to the Act of Parliment of 7th and 8th King William, is not Guilty of the breach of that Act and of the Oath he took, and deserves to suffer the Penalty that Act inflicts?

Answer to the Second Query:

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(cont…)

(…cont)

4th Query:

Whether the Goven’r forcing ye Indians from their Lands, w’ch contain 23,000 Acres, under pretence of purchasing it for four cows and calves, and taking English-men’s Patented Lands by Survey of the said Land wrongfully begun, and selling the same for fifty shillings (pence symbol?) 100, Clear of Charges, and then granting them Patents for the same, is not Arbitrary and Illegal?

Answer to the 4th Query:

Herein the Querest displays more his own Spleen than any man’s reall Grievance, and manifests his eagerness to catch at the lightest appearances to heap up Accusations whilst others must have the trouble of searching out the Faith of them. I have already, in my Reply to the foregoing Query, taken Notice of Treatys made with Sapony, Nottoway and Tuscaruro Indians, which were partly calculated to answer a Design of this Government, of placing those Indians in three Settlements upon our Frontiers, to serve against the Incursions of forreign Indians, as a securer and cheaper Barrier than eleven Troops of Rangers, (which were then kept in pay,) proved to be. When this Treaty came to be executed, the Saponys willingly comply’d and removed to the Fort w’ch I had built for their protection, 25 Miles without all our Inhabitants, and w’ch I guarrisoned with Twelve white Men and an Officer, who were designed to be employed to Range, two or three of them at a time, with ten or twelve Indians, and in times of danger frequently to beat the Woods between Settlement and Settlement. Here also was a Tract of Land of Six Miles Square, (containing 23,040 acres,) Surveyed and set apart for the Indians and the Guarrison; And this was what the Government intended at every one of the three proposed Settlements. But ye Tuscaruros and Nottoways, not standing to the Treaty, ye former returned to Carolina and the others continued, (as they do to this day,) upon their old Land. So the Saponys, being the only Indians who, under my Administration, have changed their Seat of habitation, must be the Nation meant in this Query. But this is the first time I ever heard it alledged that Force was used to remove them, or that I had made a Purchase of their Lands, and I am certain the Querist would be hooted out of Town, did he show his face there to these Assertations, when every Indian would plainly confute him, as my appear by the annexed Affidavit, (No. A.). The taking away of English Men’s Patented Lands is another imaginary Grievance that I never heard of before, and whoever is acquainted of Virginia and the just Protection of the Law, which the meanest Subject there enjoys, will not believe that any man in the Colony will remain silent and patiently suffer a Govern’r to wrong and disposses him of his Property. The only matter advanced in this Query that bears any Relation to truth, is the selling the Lands which the Saponys had quitted. ‘Tis true they were sett up to Sale at a higher Rate than the common Price of the King’s Lands, and near Three thousand Acres have been disposed of for Cattle and Provisions delivered at Christ-anna. The grounds of this proceeding was the Fifth Article of those Indian’s Treaty, whereby it is expressly agreed, that whenever ye Government should think fitt to remove them, a Compensation should be made them for the Improvements they were to leave behind, and accordingly Fourteen Cows and fourteen Calves, with all the Corn I could procure from the Purchasers, were distributed among the Indians, and nothing was received but what was by me faithfully expended in carrying on their new Settlement, And as the Governor and Council of Virginia are entrusted with the disposal of all the King’s Lands within this Colony, I humbly am of Opinion His Majesty will deem it a just and frugall Disposition that those Persons to whom the Indians’ old improved Lands were granted should pay the Expences of the new Improvements, rather than to charge the Revenue therewith.

5th Query:

Whether the Governor, putting the Nottoway Indian King and Six of his Chief Men in Irons for Petitioning the Assembly for relief from Starving, is not Arbitrary and Illegal, and, in fact, Guilty of the Murther of the said Indian King?

Answer to the 5th Query:

I acknowledge that a Petition was presented to the House of Burgesses in the name of the Nottoway Indians, but the Council can witness that when the Chief Rulers of that Nation and the English Man who undertook to get their Petition drawn, were called before us, not only the Indians declared, (when they understood w’at it contained,) that it was framed contrary to their meaning and expectations, but also their Agent confessed they had instructed him with quite a different matter, and that he, of his own head, had turned their humble Suit for one thing into a Clamorous Grievance upon another point. Besides, the Petition was found to be penn’d by a very turbulent and seditious person, merely with a design to reflect on the Honour of the Government, and to act counter to both Treatys and Laws of this Colony, whereby it is provided that in all Cases wherein the Indians are aggrieved they shall apply themselves directly to the Govern’r for Redress, and no such instance can be given of any application to the House of Burgesses, except upon a reference from the Governor. But this Petition was directly brought into the House of Burgesses by one of their Petition was directly brought into the House of Burgesses by one of their Members, without any communication to the Govern’r or Council, and was contrived for no other end than to afford matter of Clamour to turbulent Spirits, Seeing that House was convinced they had no cognizance of it, nor did anything upon it. But, tho’ the determination of all matters relating to the Indian Affairs has been constantly the proper business of the Governour and Council, and that no House of Burgesses ever before pretended to share that Authority with them, Yet the Journal of Council of the 10th of May, 1715, will plainly show that the Cause of Committment of those Indians was not what the Querist alledges, but for their obstinate Refusal to deliver Hostages for their fidelity, as by their Treaty they were obliged to do, and for such an insolent behaviour as was never before seen at the Council Board, and which strangely startled the Governour and Council to behold all of a sudden in these Tributarys. And I cannot think I have therein acted either illegally or Arbitrarily, seeing every private Justice of the Peace hath a power to commit to Stocks or Prison any one who behaves himself insolently in his Presence when legally called to answer, and the same Methods have frequently taken by the Governours here when the Indians have misbehaved themselves, and have been found the best means of bring’g those Savages to Reason. Besides, it was judg’d of pernicious consequence for the Indians to be possessed with a notion of the Governour and Councill being subordinate to the House of Burgesses, like as two little buisy fellows living in their Neighborhood had endeavoured to infuse into their heads, persuading the Nottoways that by the influence they had in that House the Indian Affairs should be otherways ordered, and all their desires answered in spite of the Govern’r and Councill. So that their Correction was continued more to root out of their Heads a dangerous Notion than to inflict on their Bodys any severe punishment, for all that was done to them was a light iron Shackle put upon each of them for two or three days, without confining them, but letting them walk with the same about the Town, where the Burgesses were them met in Assembly; And, tho’ the Chief Person of the Indian Nations is distinguish’d amongst themselves by the Title of King, Yet every one knows that those Kings are of no great Consideration among the English, nor of much authority among their own People, and as to the Nottoway Nation in particular, I will maintain that there is not so great distinction between their Kings and their People as there is between a Corporal and the private Centinels of a Company in regular Troops.

But the Conclusion of the Querist’s Charge in this Article wherein he would brand me with the Murther of the said Nottoway King, is the most extraordinary Instance of his Veracity, and shows that he imagined his Querys should have their Effect, without my having an Opportunity given me to vindicate myself, for otherwise he would never have had the assurance to tax me with the Murther of a person who is still alive and in as good health now as he was at the time he was put in Irons, and I don’t hear that either He or any of his Great Men, (as the Querist calls them,) have complained of any Hurt they receiv’d during the four days they Walked about in Irons.

(cont…)

(…cont)

9th Query:

Whether the Governor, undertaking and agreeing with the Assembly, in 1713, to guard the Frontiers for three years, ending in Dec., 1716, for £750 money and 243,220 lbs. of Tob’o, and then call another Assembly in August, 1715, and demand of – to guard those Frontiers when ye Expence, as he had reduced the Number of Men from 11 Troops of Rangers to 24 Men, 12 of which was in the Fort Christanna to Guard the Indian Company’s Effects and Trade, and whose pay for the 3 Years, as they were reduced, did not amount to so much as was given the Gov’r for that purpose, by 50,000 lbs. of Tobacco and £750 in money – The Tob’o, at this time is worth £600 Sterl. – is not a plain design to burthen the People with Taxes for his private Interest and is not Guilty of a high Crime and breach of Trust and a dishonor to his Majesty whom he Represents?

Answer to the 9th Query:

Here in this Article is such an Heap of mistakes as might make the Querist pass for a person of the Lowest class of mankind, who could not have excess to the Burgesses’ Journals or Conversation with those who knew ye Transactions in their House, for thereby it will appear that I made none of the Agreem’t here mentioned with the Assembly in 1713; that in the year 1714, it was first concluded in Assembly to Reduce the Rangers to four Troops; that they were then made to consist of Twenty-eight men, and that they were to be paid by me for no longer than from the 10th of Novem’r, 1714, to the first of Decem’r, 1716; the publick Accompts, also, of the Assembly’s Treasurer, will show that no more than £580, in Money, remain’d upon the Carolina Fund to be given; and so far from the 243,220 lbs. of Tob’o being a Fund more than Sufficient to pay the Rangers, their attested Accompts, (No. D.,) will evidence that I have already paid them 245,279½ lbs., and that every pound thereof was due to them for their constant Ranging service, and not for keeping Guard in Christanna.

But to set forth in a true light what the Querist here, with his usual Spleen and ignorance, has only touch’d upon, I acknowledge that in the year 1714 I laid before the House of Burgesses a Scheme for lessening the Charge of the Ranging Service, whereby I proposed that four Partys of Rangers, consisting each of six men and an Officer, besides the Guard at the Fort at Christanna, consisting of twelve men and an Officer, should be the usual Establishment for guarding the Frontiers, instead of 121 Men and Eleven Officers, that had been kept in pay for the two preceeding years; And I then laid before them, likewise, an Estimate of the Charge of the said four partys of Rangers, amounting to 243,220 lbs. Tobacco for the two Ensuing years ending in Decem’r, 1716, and proposed also that the Officer and twelve Men at Christanna should be paid out of part of the Money raised for the Service of North Carolina, then unapplyed, and that the Remainder of that Money should be applyed towards the finishing the Fortifications at that place and several other Services; to which Scheme the Generall Assembly consented, as by my Message to the House of Burgesses, and their Proceedings thereupon, (to which I refer,) will more fully appear. Accordingly, that Assembly passed an Act for raising the said 243,220 lbs. Tobacco in two years, and appointed it to be paid to the Rangers according to my Proposall, when the services for which it was given were performed. But two of the Troops hap’ning by a Mistake to be paid off no farther than to the 22d of October, instead of their being all clear’d by ye Assembly to the 10th of November following, as I proposed, the s’d Sum, therefore, of 243,220 lbs., fell short to discharge the services, and I have allowed those 19 Days’ pay of the two Troops out of the Money Fund, which I needed not to have done had the Querist’s overplus of Fifty thousand pounds of Tobacco been to be found. As ye £750 said to be given me, I own the Assembly entrusted me with the Remainder of the Carolina Fund, w’ch proved to be no more than £580, our of £362, 10. 00. was appropriated for the pay of the Garrison of Christanna for 25 Months, and the Remainder has been expended in the Building ye Fortifications of that place and ye other services for which it was given by the Assembly. And I am so far from having any private advantage therein y’t I can make it plainly appear by my Accompts that not only every penny thereof has been duly applyed for the Service of the Country, But that I have also expended of my own Money, for forwarding those Works, without receiving or expecting any gratification for the same.

But the force of the Querist’s Charge seems to be in this; that after I had agreed to guard ye Frontiers for the Money and Tobacco mentioned in this Article, I called another Assembly in August, 1715, and demanded of them another Guard, which the Querist would have to be a plain design to burden the People with Taxes for my own private Interest, and y’t I am thereby guilty of an high Crime and breach of Trust, and a Dishonour to his Majesty. To this heavy Charge I answer: that the War between ye Indians and ye English of South Carolina breaking out that Summer, I thought it became me to give the Country an opportunity both of shewing their Benevolence to their fellow subjects of Carolina, then in distress, and to provide for the better Security of themselves in Case the flame of that War should spread itself hither, as there was too much reason them to believe by all the Advices from Charles Town and other Places. To this end I did, with the Advice of the Council, call an Assembly to meet in August, 1715, (as the Querist observes,) and recommended those several matters to their consideration, And in so doing I believe that I am not Guilty of any Crime or breach of Trust, seeing that no man of common sence will conclude that a slender Guard, design’d only to observe straggling Indians in time of Peace, could be sufficient to oppose an inundation of many United Nations of Indians which we had then reason to expect, and that for small Patroulling Partys of seven Men each could in time of War defend an Open Frontier 200 miles extent, nor could any one imagine that it was in my power to assist his Ma’ty’s Subjects of South Carolina out of any part of that Fund, or with any of those Men which the former Assembly had appointed for the Guard of their own Frontiers.

Thus I leave it to your Lord’ps to judge whether my endeavours for relieving of South Carolina and putting this Country in a better posture of defence in a time of such apparent danger, can be interpreted a Breach of Trust, and whether my applying the Money and Tobacco to the very uses for which the Assembly had given the Same, and my acting pursuant to the Trust they reposed in me be Dishonourable to his Majesty, for as to converting any part thereof to my own private Use, I am so confident of my own innocence therein that I shall readily submit to the strickest enquiry that can be made, and am content to forfeit all pretensions to his Majesty’s Favours, if the least shadow of corruption in this particular can be made appear against me. But, before I leave this Article, I beg to leave to answer and Invidious Insinusation of the Querist’s that half the Rangers establish’d by the Assembly were put into the Fort at Christanna, to guard the Indian Company’s Effects and Trade. I have already observ’d that the Affidavits to the Rangers’ Accompts, (No. D.,) prove that none of the 28 Rangers were ever employed to keep Guard in Christanna, as the Querist would have it believed, and if he did not know better, he is to be marked for one of the most ignorant men in the Government, and assumed an improper Office when he undertook to represent the State of the Country under my Administration. But, as to their being placed to Guard the Indian Company’s Effects, it is apparent that this Guard was established before the Indian Company had a being, or y’t it was known whether ever there would be such a Society. The Fort was built and the Guard established for the general Security of all his Majesty’s Subjects on that part of the Frontiers, and if the Indian Company afterwards took the benefit of that Safeguard, and the Assembly agreed to appoint that to be their Place of Trade, it must be allowed they have an equal Right to the protection of that Fort with the rest of the King’s Subjects, especially since the Assembly have thought fit, so long as they exercise that Trade, to throw upon them the Charge of keeping up that Fort and maintaining the Garrison.

(cont…)

(…cont)

11th Query:

Whether ye Scheme ye Gov’t projected for a Standing Militia to consist of 3,000 foot and 1,500 horse and an Adjutant in every neck to huff and bully ye people was not raising a standing Army at the yearly Charge of more than 600,000 lbs. of Tobacco, to the Entire ruin of the Country, and a means for him to govern Arbitrarily and by Martial Law, is not Guilty of high Crimes, Misdemeanors and breach of Trust for Endeavouring not only to Burthen, but destroy the most peaceable and profitable Govenm’t under the Crown of Great Britain?

Answer to the 11th Query:

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12th Query:

Whether ye Gov’r, turning men out of the Civil and Military Offices, for acting in the House of Burgesses according to their Oaths and dictates of an Impartiall and just confidence, and advancing others in their places, who had as much as lay in them trampled down the rights, Liberties and Privileges of the People, is not Guilty of partially and Injustice?

Answer to the 12th Query:

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13th Query:

Whether the Gov’r, turning Justices of the Peace out of Commission for giving their Judfm’ts in a case depending before them, according to Law and the known constant practice ever since Virg’a had Assemblies and Courts of Judicature, is not Guilty of high Crimes and Misdemeanors, and endeavouring to prevent the Law and ye comon Rule of Justice, to the disquietude of all his Majesty’s Subjects?

Answer to the 13th Query:

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14th Query:

Whether ye Govern’r, projecting a passing and forming a Law to be made, and denying to repeal the same, when it appeared to be the generall Grievance of the whole Country, and was so represented to the Assembly by the whole Country in a legall manner, and is a very great loss, both to his Majesty’s Revenue in Great Britain and Virginia, and destructive to Trade, is not Arbitrary and Guilty of a high breach of trust?

Answer to the 14th Query:

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15th Query:

Whether the Gov’r, denying to let his Majesty’s Subjects take up land, and at the same time give leave or order to another person to take up 12,000 acres, to be Patented in the Name of William Robertson, to his own private use, and leasing the same to ye Germans, (not permitting them to take ye same up to their own use,) at such Rents as shall be agreed on between the s’d Governour and ye Germans, is not Arbitrary, Illegal, and oppressing his Majesty’s Subjects, and a breach of his Ma’ty’s royal Instructions?

Answer to the 15th and last Query:

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Stacey

Hmmm. Well, I still have a relatively good opinion of Gov. Spotswood, but his paying off the Sapony with 28 head of cattle (and an unstated amount of corn) after they decided to remove from Fort Christanna smacks of land swinddling. I mean, c’mon!! 23,040 acres for 28 head of cattle!! That’s one cow for 823 acres of land!! That’s almost as bad a deal as the deal the Dutch made with the Indians for Manhatten.

In modern terms, with a rough equivalency, let’s say I offered to swap you my brand new Toyota Camry for your 3,000 square foot house sitting on a five acre lot with a water view of the river. Would you take the deal? Of course not.

Geez! What a rip-off!

Furthermore, I’d bet you dollars to donuts that the good governor did indeed set up Katherine Russell as his “straw man” (“straw woman?”) for the ownership of the bulk of his stock in the Indian Trade Company. Shoot, politicians are still doing that to this very day.

Here’s a mention of burning..

On this thread:

Time Line of Saponi People’s Travels

Saj